Jonathan P. Baird

This October marks ten years since my sister Lisa died. I often think about her. To say Lisa was a warm presence does not do her justice. She could fire up any room. Her sense of empathy was off the charts. Even with all her own hardships, she was always very concerned about the people around her. That included her clients as well as family and friends.

When someone dies, it is hard to appreciate the magnitude of the loss. Lisa’s loss shattered and splintered my family. She had held family together. I often think if she had not died how different events would have played out. I have no doubt that family togetherness would have been much more maintained.

It is funny how a charismatic person can have that power to stop potentially warring family factions from warring.

I have many wonderful memories of Lise that go back to early childhood. Although she was two years younger than me, she was a mentor. She often advised me, literally telling me what to say in all kinds of situations. She could have been a script writer. She had an opinion on everything. When younger, she would often come in to my bedroom, do homework and fall asleep on one of my twin beds. We talked non-stop for years. In the era before texting, she was a big phone-caller.

Lise was an early bird, never a night owl. She always had a wide circle of friends. She introduced me to many of her girl friends and I dated some of them. She used to joke that I was “stealing” her friends.

Lise was pretty athletic. I mostly remember her horseback riding and her swimming. She won awards at Camp Red Wing, riding English. She was always a strong swimmer. She did laps and could go for a couple miles. She used to go for long distance swims around Atlantic City with her friend Joyce Abrams.

Lise and I had bobbing contests in the pool at the Longport Seaview in Longport, NJ, when my parents had a place there. I always beat her and she would be pissed off in a good-natured way. She would say, “Boo-boo, you cheated” if she had an angle to argue.

Lise was not usually at a loss for words. She was a talker and her verbal skills were quite remarkable. The fact that she became a lawyer was quite appropriate.

She was a leader. Starting in school, she routinely got elected class president or Student Council president. During her years in the October League, she was district organizer in Philadelphia. Carl Davidson, a pretty famous radical in his own right, described Lisa as a “legendary organizer” in Philadelphia.

Lisa was politically precocious, figuring out capitalism at age 16. As a teenager, she went to meetings of Philadelphia Resistance, a draft resistance organization. At Baldwin School, Lisa locked horns with the head of the school, Ms. Cross. Lisa fought for minority scholarships at a time when the school was overwhelmingly white.

The school did not appreciate Lisa’s efforts. Although she was a fine student, Ms Cross blackballed her. Cross privately contacted all the colleges where Lisa applied, said she had “mental issues” and went on to describe my parents as “hippies” which was beyond laughable.

Lisa got accepted at none of the colleges where she had applied. That was mysterious because Lise was a very good student and I think it is fair to say she was widely liked by other students. My parents found out about the blackballing years later.

Lisa moved to Cambridge Ma after high school with her boyfriend Rusty Conroy. They had met on an American Friends Service Committee summer project on the Northern Cheyenne Indian reservation in Lame Deer, Montana. Rusty was Lisa’s first boyfriend and they remained great friends, always.

Lisa decided to go to college at the University of Texas in Austin. Austin was a very happy time in Lisa’s life. Political organizing became a passion for her. Since Lise never did anything the easy way, she did not finish at UT. She eventually moved back to Philadelphia and eventually finished her undergraduate work at Temple. Along the way, she learned Spanish.

In 1982, Lisa decided to go to law school. Her legal career was diverse. She started off working for Lehigh Valley Legal Services, worked as a staff attorney for Philadelphia City Council, then worked for HIAS and eventually she went into private practice. She had her own office on Cherry Street in Philadelphia.

In thinking about her lawyering career, I think of how much was lost when she died. She specialized in immigration law, representing clients who faced deportation or had asylum claims. Her advocacy skills are desperately needed now.

The synagogue shooter in Pittsburgh was angry at HIAS and that was where Lisa worked for some time. Lisa actually played an important role in pushing HIAS to represent clients from all over the world. HIAS had a past history of representing Russian Jews. Lise represented Ugandan child soldiers, women who were victims of female genital mutilation, Vietnamese boat people, and Chinese and Japanese restaurant workers, among others.

I know Lisa would have been in the thick of the fight against Trump’s immigration policies. She was a warrior. Walking around Philadelphia with Lisa was a trip. She knew so many people and had so many clients. Clients would always be coming up to Lise and saying things like, “Ms. Lee-ze, we will pay you.” Lise was a terrible bill collector. She needed a paralegal and a secretary and she functioned much better when she had one.

Considering her breast cancer, her productivity remained amazing. She did not let cancer slow her down that much until the end. After she died, my mom received a lovely card from the Immigration Court in Philadelphia signed by the judges and staff. The Court appreciated Lisa’s passion and excellence as an advocate. She fought hard for all her clients.

I think of the words of the lawyer, Gerry Spence, which fit Lisa:

“Lawyers should be chosen because they can demonstrate a history rich in human traits, the ability to care, the courage to fight, the will to win, a concern for the human condition, a passion for justice and simple uncompromising honesty. These are the traits of the lawyer.”

Lise brought the same dedication and passion to her role as a parent that she did to her lawyering. She was absolutely devoted to Molly and Lou. They were central in her life. I think all critical decisions she made, she made with her children in mind.

Lisa’s death left a gaping hole in my life that can never be filled. The sibling relationship is so special because you share a lifetime experience. No one else has that same kind of shared knowledge and experience.

When my parents died in their eighties, I at least felt like they were able to live long and good lives. I do not feel the same way about Lise. Her death was not in the natural order of things. She died at 56. I still miss her terribly.

Possibly some readers have followed the controversy over the New York Times 1619 Project. That project is an effort to take a new look at the history of slavery in America. 1619 refers to the date the first black slaves were brought to the shores of America.

After the New York Times launched the project in August, conservatives literally freaked out. Among others, former Congressman and Fox News contributor Newt Gingrich argued the project was a “lie” and propaganda. National Review editor Rich Lowry stated that the essays presented an “odious and reductive lie” that “racism is the essence of America”. The general criticism raised by conservatives was that the 1619 Project was attempting to divide and delegitimize America.

The conservatives seem deeply uneasy about looking under the rock that is American slavery. Accompanying a fear of this history is the desire to maintain an innocence about the American past. We all grew up with the triumphalist narrative that focuses on heroic American moments. From the Founding Fathers to Abraham Lincoln to defeating fascism in World War II, there are undeniable heroics.

However, I would suggest fear of history is dangerous and can lead to the promotion of illusions. It is past time that we, as a society, look harder into the history of slavery because that experience still shapes our world. Investigating slavery is like staring into the heart of darkness. There is a desire to look away.

The truth is that there has been an unwillingness to examine the history and the history is little known and understood. In schools I attended, the subject of slavery was largely passed over and I do not think that is too different from the experience of most Americans.

Let me put out some ideas about slavery that I have gleaned from my own exploration. Much of my thinking has been shaped by a brilliant book, The American Slave Coast, written by historians Ned and Constance Sublette.

The Sublettes argue an alternative view of slavery in the United States. Rather than seeing slavery simply as a source of unpaid labor, they see slavery in the United States as a slave-breeding system. They write:

“The story of national expansion premised on the reproduction of captive humans who were labor, merchandise and collateral, all at once, is horrific, and it’s basic to the story of our development as a nation. It’s not a sidebar to American history, it’s central. It’s particularly important, because despite the best work of scholars, American history has always come up against a disinformation process that has sanitized it. But sanitized history won’t explain how we got to the mess we have today.”

Slave-breeding was a commercial enterprise to expand slavery westward. The Sublettes see the struggle that went on between Virginia and South Carolina as a central conflict. Slaveowners in Virginia competed with South Carolina over African importation of slaves.

South Carolina slaveholders obtained their slaves from Africa via the Middle Passage. Virginia bred slaves for the domestic market and aimed to supply high-priced slaves throughout the South. Both states favored the expansion of slavery into western territories as that was seen as essential to the growth potential of the industry and its profits.

The Sublettes argue that the 1808 abolition of the transatlantic slave trade was a huge protectionist victory for Thomas Jefferson and the Virginia slaveholders. By stopping the African importation, Jefferson crippled South Carolina’s ability to compete against Virginia.

W.E.B. Dubois described it:

“Slaves without the African slave trade became more valuable; with cotton culture their value rose still further, so that they were fed adequately and their breeding systematically encouraged.”

Thomas Jefferson had bragged to George Washington that the birth of black children increased Virginia’s capital stock by four percent annually. Jefferson owned over 600 slaves during his lifetime. Washington owned over 300. They were the two presidents who owned the most slaves.

Slaves were the equivalent of money. They also were the basis for increased Southern political representation due to the three-fifths clause in the U.S. Constitution.

The Sublettes show how Native Americans had to be cleared out of the southeastern United States to pave the way for the creation of cotton plantations. Andrew Jackson was key to that effort. More generally, they show how many presidents before Lincoln accommodated slavery. With the exception of John Adams, John Quincy Adams, Millard Fillmore and Franklin Pierce, all the presidents before Lincoln owned slaves.

Some of the stories the Sublettes tell are shocking. President James K. Polk fought the Mexican War, in part, to annex Texas and extend slavery there. He bought slaves in secret while in the White House to feather his post-presidential nest. Polk was the absentee owner of a slave plantation in Mississippi. The overseer of his plantation had a reputation for cruelty and merciless whippings. Polk’s slaves ran away much more than the norm of that time.

Maybe most shocking in the Sublettes’ account was the treatment of African-American women. There was no such thing as rape of an enslaved woman. It wasn’t considered possible that rape could be committed against a slave. Rape of a slave was simply not regarded as rape. Rape was, however, a virtual industry in the South. The historian Kellie Carter Jackson writes:

“Enslaved women had no right to their bodies, no right to their children and no right to refuse enforced breeding.”

The slave-breeding industry is an example of how far human beings will go in the unrestrained pursuit of profit. I would acknowledge the need for much deeper exploration of the history of slavery but the conservatives fear of untold history is misplaced. We do not have that many slave narratives but we need a bottom-up view of the institution. Shallowness of understanding is a much bigger problem than potential bias in telling the story.

In American history, it does not lessen the positives to be honest about negatives. The 1619 Project and other efforts to tell the slavery story should be welcomed.

After the August Walmart shooting in El Paso, Texas in which 22 people died, I had a strong feeling that I had seen this movie before. That is because we all have seen it many times: a gunman arguing that he was compelled to commit mass murder because of an immigrant invasion.

The murder is preceded by the release of a windy manifesto. The manifesto invariably states that a white genocide is going on. The shooter sees the immigrant invasion as an apocalyptic threat, calling for a state of emergency and unprecedented response. Right before the shooter goes on his rampage, he publishes online in far right sites, giving the supposed justification for his actions.

The shooters appear to be lone wolves. Typically they are young white men, radicalized on the internet. Responding to these shootings, mainstream politicians talk about mental illness and the need for gun control. The predominant perspective presented by the mass media is that these shooters are mentally ill loners with an axe to grind.

I would suggest that this view is fundamentally wrong. The common thread in so many of these shootings is the white power ideology of the shooter. It is an international phenomenon. Before El Paso, there was the Pittsburgh Tree of Life synagogue shooting, the Christ Church, New Zealand shootings, Dylann Roof in South Carolina and the Norwegian terrorist Anders Breivik. There have been many other less well known incidents following the same pattern.

In spite of the repetition of similar atrocities, the danger of the white power movement remains drastically underestimated. The historian, Kathleen Belew, author of Bring the War Home: The White Power Movement and Paramilitary America, nails it:

“Too many people still think of these attacks as single events, rather than interconnected actions. We spend too much ink dividing them into anti-immigrant, racist, anti-Muslim or antisemitic attacks. True, they are those things. But they are also connected with one another through a broader white power ideology.”

The idea of replacement is central to the white power movement. The replacers are supposedly Jews, Latinos, Muslims and Blacks. Those in the white power movement believe white people are heading for the dustbin of history. I think of the neo-nazis and alt-right in Charlottesville chanting: “Jews will not replace us.”

White genocide theory holds that black people within the United States will inevitably rise up and start a race war which will result in the genocide of all white people in America. Dylann Roof explained his actions in shooting nine Black worshipers at a bible study in Charleston by saying he wanted to foment race war. In his actions, he followed the white power movement’s teachings.

It needs to be said that the idea of a white genocide going on now is nonsense and contrary to factual evidence. There is no proof white people are under attack or are going extinct. Nor is there evidence Black people intend a race war. Rich, white people control the levers of power in America, whether in the White House, Congress, the Supreme Court or the heights of the economy. This is not just true now – it has been true for virtually all of American history.

Certainly, there are significant demographic changes prompted by climate change, violence prompting asylum claims and immigrants coming to America seeking a better and safer life but that is a far cry from wild allegations of white genocide. Conflating the increasing population of non-white people in America with a white genocide is absurd.

Also, the idea that there is some shadowy group lurking behind the scenes promoting an immigrant invasion is pure paranoia and worse. Such fantasies fuel irrational hatred, especially antisemitism. Once again, Jews are being cast as the puppet masters , pulling minority strings.

Belew argues that the roots of the current alt-right and white power movement go back to the period after the Vietnam War. She says there was an ideologically diverse groundswell of people including Klansmen, neo-nazis, white separatists, racial skinheads and others who came together after the Vietnam War to create a white power movement.

Belew describes this project as an inherently anti-American effort that is trying to overthrow the federal government in order to create an Aryan Nation. That agenda includes eradication of people of color in America.

The white power movement has pursued cell-style organizing, a strategy called Leaderless Resistance. The emphasis has been on promoting the work of a highly dedicated cadre of totally committed activists. Part of the idea of Leaderless Resistance is to make infiltration by government informants much harder. It is also designed to hide and obscure the white power movement from public understanding.

For years now, social media has played a critical role in the evolution of this movement. The movement has been very effective at using the internet to radicalize and recruit young white men. Activists are very well known to each other as was demonstrated by Charlottesville. There is much shared communication inside the movement. The reality of a coherent social movement cuts against the lone wolf narrative.

The white power movement has been very successful in mainstreaming ideas about immigrant invasion. Just listen to Fox News or President Trump. They are using the talking points of this movement.

Trump has used terms like “invasion”, “alien”, “criminal”, and “animal” while discussing immigration hundreds of times at his rallies in the last year or two. In May at a rally of his, when Trump asked “How do you stop these people?” someone in the crowd shouted “Shoot them!” and Trump laughed.

I think the hidden quality of the white power movement has made it harder for the government and others to recognize how dangerous it is. Not surprisingly, last spring the Trump Administration through the Department of Homeland Security disbanded the group of intelligence analysts focused on domestic terror threats, including neo-nazis and the alt-right.

On September 20, the Department of Homeland Security issued a warning about the threat of white supremacist extremism online. They compared white supremacists’ use of the internet to how ISIS does it. Given how little the government has said about this threat, this was at least some recognition of the danger posed.

President Trump, on the other hand, has suggested he might designate Antifa, a collection of militant anti-fascists, a terror organization. Whatever the wisdom of its tactics, Antifa has zero body count. The same cannot be said about the white power movement. Their body count is extensive. Just as he did after Charlottesville, Trump is trying to draw equivalence  between the sides when there is none.

Denying the existence of a now emboldened white power movement is especially dangerous. Recent events suggest more and worse violence is coming.

On August 21, the Trump Administration announced final regulations designed to allow the government to subject immigrant children and families to indefinite detention. The rules are intended to replace a long-standing, court-ordered 20-day time limit on keeping families in immigration jails.

Rather than being paroled into the community pending the hearing on their immigration cases, unaccompanied minors and children with their families would be detained in prison. The average wait time for an immigration case to be heard is about two years and nearly three years in some jurisdictions.

The new rules would replace the Flores settlement agreement, a 1997 federal court settlement that imposed detention standards and time limits. The Trump Administration wants to get outside Flores obligations. It blames the Flores settlement for the high number of immigrants arriving at our Southern border.

The core principle of Flores is that migrant children taken into detention should be released as expeditiously as possible.

A coalition of twenty states, led by California and Massachusetts, has filed a lawsuit in federal court to stop the Trump Administration from rescinding the Flores settlement agreement. If the new rules are not stopped by a judge, the rules would take effect in 60 days.

Maybe it should not seem necessary to explain but the health consequences of incarceration for children are extremely damaging. Clara Long from Human Rights Watch put it this way:

“The detention of children can lead to trauma, suicidal feelings and exposure to dangerously inadequate medical care. No amount of time in detention is safe for children and prolonged detention is particularly harmful.”

There is a wealth of public health studies that demonstrate the adverse health consequences of children being incarcerated. These include both negative physical and emotional symptoms. Depression, sleep problems, loss of appetite, headaches and abdominal pain are common symptoms. Trauma, regression in children’s behavior, suicidal thoughts, nightmares and feelings of hopelessness and despair are also part of the picture.

It must not be forgotten that many migrants are fleeing extreme violence and sexual assault and they need protection and services which address these complicated needs.

Under Flores, children could only be detained in facilities that are licensed by an appropriate state agency. The new regulations remove that requirement and replace it with a new self-licensing system. Department of Homeland Security would have no credible oversight and their performance has been anything but reassuring.

In the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, the Trump Administration lawyers have just been arguing that safe and sanitary conditions do not require access to soap, toothpaste or minimally adequate sleeping conditions. Children have been spending the night on concrete floors, covered by Mylar blankets, in cramped, frigid, brightly-lit cells.

There have been many anecdotal stories about rotten food, no access to showers, sexual assault and overcrowded standing room-only cells. Outbreaks of infectious diseases, particularly mumps, have been widespread. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention just reported 898 confirmed mumps cases in 57 facilities housing ICE detainees. A large majority of the cases were at detention facilities in Texas.

Racism appears to be rampant in the Border Patrol and ICE. Witness the Border Patrol Facebook group that showed active-duty and retired officers viciously mocking lawmakers and dead migrants. Violent, white supremacist, and misogynistic posts were disturbingly common. According to ProPublica, this Facebook group had more than 9,500 members before it was exposed.

More generally, the Department of Homeland Security has a dismal track record on accountability and transparency with its immigration detention facilities. The public does not fully know what is going on with these detention facilities, how many people are being held, and in what conditions.

This is America’s own gulag, 2019-style. Department of Homeland Security is blocking investigators and congressional staffers from visiting migrant facilities near the U.S.- Mexico border since previous House Oversight staff inspections revealed ongoing problems. During this Administration, seven children have died in custody.

The Flores settlement agreement included detailed child protection obligations for children detained without adults. The agreement is the only established set of protections for immigrant children held in detention. Over the last twenty years, Flores counsel repeatedly went to court to seek enforcement of the obligations. The new regulations do not incorporate the detailed obligations of Flores.

A big part of the Trump Administration argument for the new regulations is the supposed deterrent effect of punishing migrants by imprisoning them pending their immigration hearing. The evidence for that assessment is lacking. Harsh measures have not been lessening illegal entries.

The high cost of child incarceration has also been thoroughly underestimated. An unnamed official at the Department of Health and Human Services told NBC News that housing costs $775 per child, per day. Incarceration costs significantly more than supervision in the community. The cost of private prisons for immigrant children and their families is its own scandal.

While it is impossible to predict with accuracy whether the Court will allow implementation of the new rules. the Flores settlement only terminates when the government issues regulations that are consistent with and implement the terms of the settlement. That is clearly not the case.

I know Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio Cortez took much heat when she described the immigration detention facilities as “concentration camps” but her description is accurate. We need a full investigation and expose. Nothing could be more un-American than holding children in atrocious conditions.

It is hard to keep up with all the attacks raining down on immigrants from the Trump Administration. I know I immediately think of children in cages and family separations at the border. These have garnered the most attention.

While these attacks are directed against undocumented immigrants, less well known are the attacks coming down on legal immigrants. Central to the Trump Administration’s effort to restrict legal immigration is their new expanded public charge rule.

When non-citizens apply to enter the United States or when they seek to adjust their status to lawful permanent resident, they are subject to public charge rules. Such rules have been in effect since the 1880’s. The government has considered financial resources in determining whether an individual can obtain a green card. Green cards allow foreign nationals the right to live and work permanently in the United States.

Up until now, the rules have been narrowly tailored. The government has defined public charge based on whether the applicant is primarily dependent on monthly government cash assistance or long-term institutional care.

What the Trump Administration proposes to do in their new rule is change green card criteria to greatly expand who could be considered a public charge. Under the rule, if you receive public benefits like food stamps, Medicaid or Section 8 housing vouchers, you could be considered likely to become a public charge and you could be denied a green card.

The public charge rule is slated to go into effect on October 15. After the rule was promulgated by the Department of Homeland Security last fall, the agency received over 266,000 public comments, with the overwhelming majority opposed to the rule change.

It is hard to overstate what a radical departure the new public charge rule is from its current incarnation. The rule broadly discriminates against low-income people. It basically says if you do not have significant wealth, do not bother to come here. You are not welcome.

New public charge would touch many more people than the old rule, potentially millions. It already has had and will have a chilling effect on the willingness of those seeking a green card to access public benefits. People who are legally entitled to public benefits will not apply or they will disenroll if they believe, no doubt correctly, that the receipt of such benefits will negatively affect their chance to obtain permanent residence here.

I think the rule is very consistent with President Trump’s January 2018 utterance:

“Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here?”

Trump famously said that he wants to take in immigrants from great European countries like Norway.

Instead of Emma Lazarus’s “give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses” we now have “give me your hedge fund managers, your techies and your rich white professionals hungering to get over”. The new rule hits directly at people coming from poorer countries, which certainly includes green card seekers from Latin America, Africa, and South Asia.

While the new rule speaks of looking at the totality of circumstances, it delineates positive and negative factors which would be weighed. For example, the rule heavily weighs against people with disabilities who require treatment and who lack private insurance. A low credit score, absence of a college degree and lack of English language skills also hurt. On the other hand, if you have income over $63,000 for a family of four, you are golden.

The rule flies in the face of the historical experience of America as a nation of immigrants. For generations, foreign nationals have come to America, penniless, with nothing but the clothes on their back. They may have needed a helping hand at first but many became upwardly mobile. Their children have then obtained more education, gotten higher earnings and ended up in higher-paying jobs than their parents.

This whole experience is now being actively disregarded. Public charge is a perfect distillation of racial and class bias.The message is we only want wealthy white people to come to America. The new green card criteria would have a racially disparate effect as people from countries with low incomes are disproportionately people of color.

It is likely public charge will also have a detrimental effect on families’ health. For example, people seeking a green card may well forego essential medical care like chemotherapy or needed insulin. Or newborns will not obtain nutritional assistance they need to thrive.

Whether the new public charge is legal remains to be seen. It is certain to be challenged in court. It is another example of the Trump Administration enacting policy without legislative input. It also is a way to shrink the safety net, part of their effort to deconstruct the administrative state.

Trump supporters always defend his immigration policies on the basis that undocumented people are trying to jump ahead in the line. But with public charge, the attack is on people who are in the line.

Behind this rule is an utterly irrational fear and hatred of immigrants, including those classified legal. Creating fear of immigrants has been a central objective of this Administration. That is tragic because America is so much better than this.

Behind the Trump Administration’s non-stop talk of a migrant invasion is an effort to redefine and restrict asylum law in an unprecedented way. The Trump Administration is trying to bar Central American immigrants who come to our southern border from almost any eligibility for asylum.

Obtaining asylum is already very hard. In 2018, on a national basis, immigration judges denied asylum in 65% of cases. This was the sixth year in a row denial rates have risen.

The new effort to restrict asylum is multi-pronged. The Department of Homeland Security proposed a new rule that would require migrants traveling from another country to prove that they had applied for and were denied asylum in that country before they could seek asylum in the United States. The rule was designed to sideline the claims of Central Americans passing through Mexico.

This new rule has already been enjoined by one federal court but I expect that fight will be ongoing.

Other practices have contributed to the exclusionary effort. These include the practice of “metering”, where the government greatly limits the number of asylum applications it will process everyday. Then there is the “remain in Mexico” rule which requires asylum seekers to stay in Mexico until the day of their immigration hearing. Also, there is the practice of making it impossible to request asylum between ports of entry.

The effort is designed to persuade asylum seekers to give up their claims and return to their home countries. Instead of being treated like desperately needy human beings exercising their legal rights, asylum seekers are being treated like criminals. Many languish in shelters in Mexico if they can get into a shelter.

Human Rights Watch prepared a report in July on the conditions faced by the migrants in Mexico. They face massive shortages of shelter, food and water. They also are a high risk of becoming crime victims, including victims of sexual assault and violence.

Mexico recorded more homicides in 2018 than it has in any year since the country started keeping records in 1997. Two of the northern states in Mexico where asylum seekers have been returned, Baja California and Chihauhua, are among the most violent in the country.

The efforts to make asylum impossible for Central Americans is contrary to well-established law. I would mention two international treaties that the U.S. has signed and ratified. The 1967 Refugee Protocol guarantees a right to seek asylum. It implements the 1951 Convention relating to the status of refugees. Also, the Convention Against Torture prohibits deporting asylum-seekers to places where they may face bodily harm.

The experience of World War II created the context for the creation of refugee rights. The dehumanization of refugees by the Nazis is a big part of the historical background of asylum law. Anyone who is unable or unwilling to return to their home country due to a well-founded fear of persecution based on his or her race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group can theoretically qualify.

Article 14(1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was adopted in 1948, guarantees the right to seek and enjoy asylum in other countries. These rights are applied without any geographic limitation. They are an aspirational goal. After German fascism, the civilized world saw the absolute need for asylum.

In considering the overall Trump Administration effort to treat asylum seekers as invaders and criminals, I am struck by the lack of awareness of history. There is zero consciousness of colonialism and imperialism and their role in making migration a necessity.

The British Empire, the French and the Americans all deserve mention. The Third World was carved up by colonial powers who profited by taking natural resources and raw materials and by using cheap labor. The exploitation took different forms. Migration became necessary when the Western colonialists and imperialists made life so impossible in home countries that native people had to leave.

The current immigration from the so-called Northern Triangle countries – El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras – provides a good illustration.

In 1979, the United States sponsored a coup by young Salvadoran military officers that led to a vicious civil war. The war lasted over 12 years with an estimated 70,000 to 80,000 killed. U.S.-trained death squads and the Salvadoran military carried out a scorched earth policy that resulted in indiscriminate killings and targeted assassinations.

The United States provided massive military support to the Salvadoran military. U.S. officers took over positions in the Salvadoran military and made decisions about how the counterinsurgency war was fought. During the Carter and Reagan Administrations, military aid averaged one to two million dollars a day. The civil war left El Salvador a wasteland. Criminal gangs have proliferated with 20,000 Salvadorans killed from 2014 to 2017 alone.

Guatemala had its own civil war that ran from 1960 to 1996. This came in the aftermath of a 1954 covert CIA-sponsored coup that overthrew the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz. Both before and after the coup, the U.S. supported brutally repressive dictatorships. As in El Salvador, death squads terrorized and committed horrendous crimes against the civilian population. In the 1980’s the massacre of indigenous Mayan people by the Guatemalan military (which had U.S. backing) was widely considered a genocide. When the war finally ended in 1996, the nation was shattered.

Honduras escaped civil war but not a military coup. In 2009, the left-leaning president Manuel Zelaya was removed from power by a U.S.-backed coup. Since that coup ten years ago, 300 people have been killed by state security forces, including 34 members of the Honduran opposition. The homicide rate is the highest in the world.

What is missing in most conventional coverage of migrant caravans and immigration at our southern border is the role of U.S. foreign policy in the U.S.-bound migration.

The writer Suketu Mehta, author of This Land is Our Land, argues there is a case to be made for reparations to be paid by the colonialists and imperialists who have looted Third World countries. To quote him:

“They looted us for centuries. They took whatever was worth taking, and they continued taking after we became “independent” – of their governments, but not of their corporations. The numbers are indisputable; colonial countries enriched themselves at the expense of the subject nations, and there’s a case to be made for reparations to be paid. There is a giant program of reparations under way, but it’s a reverse reparations, by the poor of the world to the rich: to the oil companies, the chemical companies, the mining companies, which have figured out how to corrupt the governments of the developing countries and continue stealing.”

Eliminating asylum for Central American migrants is the height of hypocrisy. The United States played a central role in creating the circumstances that necessitated the seeking of asylum. Intellectual honesty requires a look at the whole picture. Asylum is a human right that must be maintained – not short-circuited.